Saddleback Mountain - Dead Babies: Abortion and Infanticide are on Obama's Table

July 10, 2006, USA Today op ed by then Senator Barack H. Obama:

… [W]e live in a pluralistic society, and … I can’t impose my religious views on another.

Democrat Presidential Candidate Barack (no H.)Obama to Saddleback Rick Warren August, 2008 - Asked at what point a baby gets “human rights,” Obama, who strongly supports abortion rights, said: “… whether you’re looking at it from a theological perspective or a scientific perspective, answering that question with specificity … is above my pay grade.”

Not these days:

Obama Chief of Staff Jacob Lew on February 13, 2012 speaking for the Obama White House:

"We have set out our policy," Lew said. "We are going to finalize it in the final rules, but I think what the president announced on Friday is a balanced approach that meets the concerns raised both in terms of access to health care and in terms of protecting religious liberties, and we think that's the right approach."

Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius - “The reduction in the number of pregnancies compensates for the cost of contraception,”



Yesterday, I posted a medical paper advocating the post-natal murder of children deemed a threat to the physical and psychological well-being of the mother and her family. The paper pointedly considers Downs Syndrome children, like Trig Plain and the thousands of persons loved, nurtured and protected here in Chicago's Misericordia Home. Planned Parenthood, NARAL, ACLU, and NOW offer no such care.

Obama's political gambit to 'shore up the Greater Together base with a hard slap at religion and in particular Roman Catholics is a game of chicken. Obama and the Dowager Class of Abortion Happy Eugenicists have the media on their side along with General Electric, and George Soros. You can have them.

We have Cardinals George of Chicago and Dolan of New York. I'll take them.

Yesterday, the Democrats and one Republican defeated an amendment that would protect religious liberty and the Constitution itself. Barack Obama was an adjunct instructor at the U of C and taught classes in Constitutional Law, before he became President. Illinois Republican Senator Mark Kirk (absented by a stroke of luck) more than likely would also have voted with Dick Durbin and these Vichy Catholics more beholden to Planned Parenthood, NARAL, NOW, GE, MSNBC and George "Heart-breaker" Soros:

Senator Mark Begich (Alaska, D) – Opposed
Senator Tom Harkin (Iowa, D) – Opposed
Senator Richard Durbin (Illinois, D) – OpposedSenator Mary Landrieu (Louisiana, D) – Opposed
Senator John Kerry (Massachusetts, D) – Opposed
Senator Barbara Mikulski (Maryland, D) – Opposed
Senator Claire McCaskill (Missouri, D) – Opposed
Senator Robert Menendez (New Jersey, D) – Opposed
Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (New York, D) – Opposed
Senator Jack Reed (Rhode Island, D) – Opposed
Senator Pat Leahy (Vermont, D) – Opposed
Senator Maria Cantwell (Washington, D) – Opposed
Senator Patty Murray (Washington, D) – Opposed

Illinois Senator Dick Durbin, like Illinois Governor Pat Quinn, is a Vichy Catholic. Vichy Catholics take the Dowager coin and are more afraid of the bad opinion of the clowns on MSNBC than they are of teachings they play at in front of Catholic voters and Catholic contributors. As far as Bishops go, they can live happily without them.

The DNC has crunched numbers and told Dithering Dick and other Vichy Catholics that they need not worry. The Catholic Demographic important? As if.

Push will come to shove. The Bishops will not blink first. Vichy Catholics will have a Canossa moment ( Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV v. Pope Gregory VII and all that German lay investiture stuff in the 11th Century). HRE Hank came up a huge loser in that one. Likewise, I believe we will see a few Vichy Catholics become Unitarians or join the Bill Moyers/Rev. Wright United Church of Christ -two very wholesome denominations for NPR/PBS minded coreligionists.

As to President Obama? He went all in on this one. He can't back down. Gotta Keep the Base and the Dough Ray Me!

Ed Morrisey wrote the other day in the Wall Street Journal:

Some may doubt that the bishops would create this kind of havoc and disruption, and perhaps President Obama believes Cardinal George and the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops to be bluffing. However, Obama may want to read St. Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, and his Principle and Foundation of faith, which informs Catholics on the priority of salvation. The first task of mankind, according to St. Ignatius, is to serve God and “save his soul,” and “other things on the face of the earth” should be used only as long as they serve that purpose. When they become a hindrance to salvation, St. Ignatius warns to “rid himself of them.”

Cardinals' George and Dolan and the Catholic Bishops of America have been pushed hard. If the Obama side wins, America loses Catholic Hospitals, Schools, and places like Misericordia.

http://www.americanthinker.com/2012/02/obama_the_lawbreaker_versus_the_catholic_church.html

Post Natal Abortion Considered = Four Pages and End-notes of Science and Madness

What follows is a serious paper delivered by two very educated people. . .soul-less, anticeptically rational, progressive thinking scientists.

These people argue that not only is an unborn child disposable, but that a child born a fit subject for execution.

Our President owes Planned Parenthood. This is Planned Parenthood's endgame. This is what Planned Parenthood is all about.

Consider the icy words of his Health and Human Services Commissar Kathleen Sebelius only today concerning the White House's 'screwed up' contraception mandate and cost cutting,“The reduction in the number of pregnancies compensates for the cost of contraception.”

Newly obtained documents prove that in 2003, Barack Obama, as chairman of an IL state Senate committee, voted down a bill to protect live-born survivors of abortion - even after the panel had amended the bill to contain verbatim language, copied from a federal bill passed by Congress without objection in 2002, explicitly foreclosing any impact on abortion. Obama's legislative actions in 2003 - denying effective protection even to babies born alive during abortions - were contrary to the position taken on the same language by even the most liberal members of Congress. The bill Obama killed was virtually identical to the federal bill that even NARAL ultimately did not oppose.




Barack H. Obama supported live birth abortion as an Illinois State Senator, before he decided to be President, launder his past. parse his record and read what was put in front of him. He whines and cries about people who question the place of his birth and is not concerned a whit about the deaths of children not his own. He shudders at the thought of anyone asking for his birth certificate, while enforcing mandates that preclude the issuance of such to millions yet unborn.

I have never wanted to examine that dark documents. I would like to examine his academic records and written academic papers, in order to understand his agenda.

Now, consider the words and intent of the following. Here it is in full (emphases my own).

PAPER
After-birth abortion: why should the baby live?
Alberto Giubilini,
1,2
Francesca Minerva
3,4
ABSTRACT
Abortion is largely accepted even for reasons that do not
have anything to do with the fetus’ health. By showing
that (1) both fetuses and newborns do not have the
same moral status as actual persons, (2) the fact that
both are potential persons is morally irrelevant and (3)
adoption is not always in the best interest of actual
people, the authors argue that what we call ‘after-birth
abortion’ (killing a newborn) should be permissible in all
the cases where abortion is, including cases where the
newborn is not disabled.
INTRODUCTION
Severe abnormalities of the fetus and risks for the
physical and/or psychological health of the woman
are often cited as valid reasons for abortion.
Sometimes the two reasons are connected, such as
when a woman claims that a disabled child would
represent a risk to her mental health. However,
having a child can itself be an unbearable burden for
the psychological health of the woman or for her
already existing children,
1
regardless of the condition of the fetus. This could happen in the case of a woman who loses her partner after she finds out that she is pregnant and therefore feels she will not be able to take care of the possible child by
herself. A serious philosophical problem arises when the same conditions that would have justified abortion become known after birth. In such cases, we need to assess facts in order to decide whether the same arguments that apply to killing a human fetus can
also be consistently applied to killing a newborn human.

Such an issue arises, for example, when an abnormality has not been detected during pregnancy or occurs during delivery. Perinatal asphyxia,for instance, may cause severe brain damage and result in severe mental and/or physical impairments comparable with those for which a woman could request an abortion. Moreover, abnormalities are not always, or cannot always be, diagnosed through prenatal screening even if they have a genetic origin. This is more likely to happen when the disease is not hereditary but is the result of
genetic mutations occurring in the gametes of a healthy parent. One example is the case of
Treacher-Collins syndrome (TCS), a condition that affects 1 in every 10 000 births causing facial deformity and related physiological failures, in particular potentially life-threatening respiratory problems. Usually those affected by TCS are not mentally impaired and they are therefore fully aware of their condition, of being different from
other people and of all the problems their pathology entails. Many parents would choose to
have an abortion if they find out, through genetic prenatal testing, that their fetus is affected by TCS. However, genetic prenatal tests for TCS are usually taken only if there is a family history of the disease. Sometimes, though, the disease is caused by a gene
mutation that intervenes in the gametes of a healthy member of the couple. Moreover, tests for TCS are quite expensive and it takes several weeks to get the result. Considering that it is a very rare pathology, we can understand why women are not usually tested for this disorder. However, such rare and severe pathologies are not the only ones that are likely to remain undetected until delivery; even more common congenital diseases that women are usually tested for could fail to be detected. An examination of 18 European registries reveals that between 2005 and 2009 only the 64% of Down’s syndrome cases were diagnosed through prenatal testing.
2
This percentage indicates that, considering only the European areas under examination, about 1700 infants were born with Down’s syndrome without parents being aware of it before birth. Once these children are born, there is no choice for the parents but to keep the child, which sometimes is exactly what they would not have done if the disease had
been diagnosed before birth.
3.


ABORTION AND AFTER-BIRTH ABORTION
Euthanasia in infants has been proposed by philosophers for children with severe abnormalities whose lives can be expected to be not worth living and who are experiencing unbearable suffering.

Also medical professionals have recognised the need for guidelines about cases in which death seems to be in the best interest of the child. In The Netherlands, for instance, the Groningen Protocol (2002) allows to actively terminate the life of ‘infants with a hopeless prognosis who experience what parents and medical experts deem to be
unbearable suffering’.
4
Although it is reasonable to predict that living with a very severe condition is against the best interest of the newborn, it is hard to find definitive arguments to the effect that life with certain pathologies is not worth living, even when those pathologies would constitute acceptable reasons for abortion. It might be maintained that ‘even allowing for the more optimistic assessments of the potential of Down’s syndrome children, this potential cannot be said to be equal to that of
a normal child’.
3
But, in fact, people with Down’s
syndrome, as well as people affected by many other
severe disabilities, are often reported to be happy.
5
Nonetheless, to bring up such children might be an unbearable burden on the family and on society as a whole, when the state economically provides for their care. On these grounds, the fact that a fetus has the potential to become a person who will have an (at least) acceptable life is no reason for prohibiting abortion.

Therefore, we argue that, when circumstances occur after birth such that they would have justified abortion, what we call after-birth abortion should be permissible.
In spite of the oxymoron in the expression, we propose to call this practice ‘after-birth abortion’, rather than ‘infanticide’, to emphasise that the moral status of the individual killed is comparable with that of a fetus (on which ‘abortions’ in the traditional sense are performed) rather than to that of a child. Therefore, we claim that killing a newborn could be ethically permissible in all the circumstances where abortion would be. Such circumstances include cases where the newborn has the potential to have an (at least) acceptable life, but the well-being of the family is at risk. Accordingly, a second terminological specification is that we call such a practice ‘after-birth abortion’ rather than ‘euthanasia’ because the best interest of the one who dies is not necessarily the
primary criterion for the choice, contrary to what happens in the case of euthanasia.
Failing to bring a new person into existence cannot be compared with the wrong caused by procuring the death of an existing person. The reason is that, unlike the case of death of an existing person, failing to bring a new person into existence does not prevent anyone from accomplishing any of her future aims.

However, this consideration entails a much stronger idea than the one according to which severely handicapped children should be euthanised. If the death of a newborn is not wrongful to her on the grounds that she cannot have formed any aim that she is prevented from accomplishing, then it should also be permissible to practise an after-birth abortion on a healthy newborn too, given that she has not formed any aim yet.

There are two reasons which, taken together, justify this claim:

1. The moral status of an infant is equivalent to that of a fetus,
that is, neither can be considered a ‘person’ in a morally
relevant sense.
2. It is not possible to damage a newborn by preventing her
from developing the potentiality to become a person in the
morally relevant sense.


We are going to justify these two points in the following two sections.

THE NEWBORN AND THE FETUS ARE MORALLY EQUIVALENT
The moral status of an infant is equivalent to that of a fetus in the sense that both lack those properties that justify the attribution of a right to life to an individual.
Both a fetus and a newborn certainly are human beings and potential persons, but neither is a ‘person’ in the sense of ‘subject of a moral right to life’. We take ‘person’ to mean an individual who is capable of attributing to her own existence some (at least) basic value such that being deprived of this existence represents a loss to her. This means that many nonhuman animals and mentally retarded human individuals are persons, but that all the individuals who are not in the condition of attributing any value to their own existence are not persons.

Merely being human is not in itself a reason for ascribing someone a right to life. Indeed, many humans are not considered subjects of a right to life: spare embryos where research on embryo stem cells is permitted, fetuses where abortion is permitted, criminals where capital punishment is legal. Our point here is that, although it is hard to exactly determine when a subject starts or ceases to be a ‘person’, a necessary condition for a subject to have a right to X is that she is harmed by a decision to deprive her of X. There are many ways in which an individual can be harmed, and not all of them require that she values or is even aware of what she is deprived of. A person might be ‘harmed’ when someone steals from her the winning lottery ticket even if she will never find out that her ticket was the winning one. Or a person might be ‘harmed’ if something were done to her at the stage of fetus which affects for the worse her quality of life as a person (eg, her mother took drugs during pregnancy), even if she is not aware of it. However, in such cases we are talking about a person who is at least in the condition to value the different situation she would have found herself in if she had not been harmed. And such a condition depends on the level of her mental development,
6
which in turn determines whether or not she is a ‘person’.Those who are only capable of experiencing pain and pleasure (like perhaps fetuses and certainly newborns) have a right not to be inflicted pain. If, in addition to experiencing pain and pleasure, an individual is capable of making any aims (like actual human and non-human persons), she is harmed if she is prevented from accomplishing her aims by being killed. Now, hardly can a newborn be said to have aims, as the future we imagine for it is merely a projection of our minds on its potential lives. It might start having expectations and develop a minimum level of self-awareness at a very early stage, but not in the first days or few weeks after birth. On the other hand, not only aims but also well-developed plans are concepts that certainly apply to those people (parents, siblings, society) who could be negatively or positively affected by the birth of that child. Therefore, the rights and interests of the actual people involved should represent the prevailing consideration in a decision about
abortion and after-birth abortion.

It is true that a particular moral status can be attached to a non-person by virtue of the value an actual person (eg, the mother) attributes to it. However, this ‘subjective’ account of the moral status of a newborn does not debunk our previous argument. Let us imagine that a woman is pregnant with two identical twins who are affected by genetic disorders. In order to cure one of the embryos the woman is given the option to use
the other twin to develop a therapy. If she agrees, she attributes to the first embryo the status of ‘future child’ and to the other one the status of a mere means to cure the ‘future child’.

However, the different moral status does not spring from the fact that the first one is a ‘person’ and the other is not, which would be nonsense, given that they are identical. Rather, the different moral statuses only depends on the particular value the woman projects on them. However, such a projection is exactly what does not occur when a newborn becomes a burden to its family.

THE FETUS AND THE NEWBORN ARE POTENTIAL PERSONS
Although fetuses and newborns are not persons, they are potential persons because they can develop, thanks to their own biological mechanisms, those properties which will make them
‘persons’ in the sense of ‘subjects of a moral right to life’: that is, the point at which they will be able to make aims and appreciate their own life. It might be claimed that someone is harmed because she is prevented from becoming a person capable of appreciating her own being alive. Thus, for example, one might say that we would have been harmed if our mothers had chosen to have an abortion while they were pregnant with us or if they had killed

2 of 4 Giubilini A, Minerva F. J Med Ethics (2012). doi:10.1136/medethics-2011-100411
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Downloaded from jme.bmj.com on March 1, 2012 - Published by group.bmj.comus as soon as we were born. However, whereas you can benefit someone by bringing her into existence (if her life is worth living), it makes no sense to say that someone is harmed by being prevented from becoming an actual person. The reason is that, by virtue of our definition of the concept of ‘harm’ in the previous section, in order for a harm to occur, it is necessary that someone is in the condition of experiencing that harm. If a potential person, like a fetus and a newborn, does not become an actual person, like you and us, then there is neither an actual nor a future person who can be harmed, which means that there is no harm at all. So, if you ask one of us if we would have been harmed, had our parents decided to kill us when we were fetuses or newborns, our answer is ‘no’, because they would have harmed someone who does not exist (the ‘us’ whom you are asking the question), which means no one. And if no one is harmed, then no harm occurred.

A consequence of this position is that the interests of actual people over-ride the interest of merely potential people to become actual ones. This does not mean that the interests of actual people always over-ride any right of future generations, as we should certainly consider the well-being of people who will inhabit the planet in the future. Our focus is on the right to become a particular person, and not on the right to have a good
life once someone will have started to be a person. In other words, we are talking about particular individuals who might or might not become particular persons depending on our choice, and not about those who will certainly exist in the future but whose identity does not depend on what we choose now. The alleged right of individuals (such as fetuses and
newborns) to develop their potentiality, which someone defends, is over-ridden by the interests of actual people (parents, family, society) to pursue their own well-being
because, as we have just argued, merely potential people cannot be harmed by not being brought into existence. Actual people’s well-being could be threatened by the new (even if healthy)child requiring energy, money and care which the family might happen to be in short supply of. Sometimes this situation can be prevented through an abortion, but in some other cases this is not possible. In these cases, since non-persons have no moral
rights to life, there are no reasons for banning after-birth abortions. We might still have moral duties towards future generations in spite of these future people not existing yet. But because we take it for granted that such people will exist (whoever they will be), we must treat them as actual persons of the future. This argument, however, does not apply to this particular newborn or infant, because we are not justified in taking it for granted that she will exist as a person in the future. Whether she will exist is
exactly what our choice is about.

ADOPTION AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO AFTER-BIRTH ABORTION?
A possible objection to our argument is that after-birth abortion should be practised just on potential people who could never have a life worth living.
9
Accordingly, healthy and potentially happy people should be given up for adoption if the family cannot raise them up. Why should we kill a healthy newborn when giving it up for adoption would not breach anyone’s right but possibly increase the happiness of people involved (adopters and adoptee)?

Our reply is the following. We have previously discussed the argument from potentiality, showing that it is not strong enough to outweigh the consideration of the interests of actual people. Indeed, however weak the interests of actual people can be, they will always trump the alleged interest of potential people to become actual ones, because this latter interest amounts to zero. On this perspective, the interests of the actual
people involved matter, and among these interests, we also need to consider the interests of the mother who might suffer psychological distress from giving her child up for adoption.

Birthmothers are often reported to experience serious psychological problems due to the inability to elaborate their loss and to cope with their grief.
10
It is true that grief and sense of loss may accompany both abortion and after-birth abortion as well as adoption, but we cannot assume that for the birthmother the latter is the least traumatic. For example, ‘those who grieve a death must accept the irreversibility of the loss, but natural mothers often dream that their child will return to them. This makes it difficult to accept the reality of the loss because they can never be quite sure whether or not it is irreversible’.
11 We are not suggesting that these are definitive reasons against adoption as a valid alternative to after-birth abortion. Much depends on circumstances and psychological reactions. What we are suggesting is that, if interests of actual people should prevail, then after-birth abortion should be considered a permissible option for women who would be damaged by giving up their
newborns for adoption.
CONCLUSIONS
If criteria such as the costs (social, psychological, economic) for the potential parents are good enough reasons for having an abortion even when the fetus is healthy, if the moral status of the newborn is the same as that of the infant and if neither has
any moral value by virtue of being a potential person, then the same reasons which justify abortion should also justify the killing of the potential person when it is at the stage of a newborn.
Two considerations need to be added.

First, we do not put forward any claim about the moment at which after-birth abortion would no longer be permissible, and we do not think that in fact more than a few days would be necessary for doctors to detect any abnormality in the child. In
cases where the after-birth abortion were requested for nonmedical reasons, we do not suggest any threshold, as it depends on the neurological development of newborns, which is something neurologists and psychologists would be able to assess.

Second, we do not claim that after-birth abortions are good alternatives to abortion. Abortions at an early stage are the best option, for both psychological and physical reasons. However, if a disease has not been detected during the pregnancy, if something went wrong during the delivery, or if economical, social or psychological circumstances change such that taking care of the offspring becomes an unbearable burden on someone, then people should be given the chance of not being forced to do something they cannot afford.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank Professor Sergio Bartolommei,
University of Pisa, who read an early draft of this paper and gave us very helpful
comments. The responsibility for the content remains with the authors.
Contributors AG and FM contributed equally to the manuscript.
Competing interests None.
Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.
REFERENCES
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www.eurocat-network.eu/PRENATALSCREENINGAndDIAGNOSIS/
PrenatalDetectionRates (accessed 11 Nov 2011). (data uploaded 27/10/2011).
3. Kuhse H, Singer P. Should the Baby live? The Problem of Handicapped Infants.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985:143.
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Downloaded from jme.bmj.com on March 1, 2012 - Published by group.bmj.com4. Verhagen E, Sauer P. The groningen protocoldeuthanasia in severely Ill newborns.
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5. Alderson P. Down’s Syndrome: cost, quality and the value of life. Soc Sci Med
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6. Tooley M. Abortion and infanticide. Philos Public Aff 1972;1:37e65.
7. Hare RM. Abortion and the golden rule. In: Hare RM, ed. Essays on Bioethics.
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8. Hare RM. A Kantian approach to abortion. In: Hare RM, ed. Essays on Bioethics.
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9. Hare RM. The abnormal child. Moral dilemmas of doctors and parents. In:
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10. Condon J. Psychological disability in women who relinquish a baby for adoption.
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11. Robinson E. Grief associated with the loss of children to adoption. In: Separation,
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1997:268e93, 278.1
Department of Philosophy,
University of Milan, Milan, Italy
2
Centre for Human Bioethics,
Monash University, Melbourne,
Victoria, Australia
3
Centre for Applied Philosophy
and Public Ethics, University of
Melbourne, Melbourne, Victoria,
Australia
4
Oxford Uehiro Centre for
Practical Ethics, Oxford
University, Oxford, UK
Correspondence to
Dr Francesca Minerva, CAPPE,
University of Melbourne,
Melbourne, VIC 3010, Australia;
francesca.minerva@unimelb.
edu.au
Received 25 November 2011
Revised 26 January 2012
Accepted 27 January 2012

Giubilini A, Minerva F. J Med Ethics (2012). doi:10.1136/medethics-2011-100411 1 of 4
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JME Online First, published on February 23, 2012 as 10.1136/medethics-2011-100411
Copyright Article author (or their employer) 2012. Produced by BMJ Publishing Group Ltd under licence.
Downloaded from jme.bmj.com on March 1, 2012 - Published by group.bmj.com
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